Abstract: This research investigates cluster development in the area called the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS), which consists of Thailand, the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Yunnan Province and Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, Myanmar, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR), Cambodia, and Vietnam. The study utilized Porter’s competitiveness theory and the cluster mapping approach to analyze the competitiveness of the region. The data collection consists of interviews, focus groups, and the analysis of secondary data. The findings identify some evidence of cluster development in the GMS; however, there is no clear indication of collaboration among the components in the clusters. GMS clusters tend to be stand-alone. The clusters in Vietnam, Lao PDR, Myanmar, and Cambodia tend to be labor intensive, whereas the clusters in Thailand and the PRC (Yunnan) have the potential to successfully develop into innovative clusters. The collaboration and integration among the clusters in the GMS area are promising, though it could take a long time. The most likely relationship between the GMS countries could be, for example, suppliers of the low-end, labor-intensive products will be located in the low income countries such as Myanmar, Lao PDR, and Cambodia, and these countries will be providing input materials for innovative clusters in the middle income countries such as Thailand and the PRC.
Abstract: This paper deals with the comparison of women’s political participation in Korea and China. Korean women are participated more in higher education. As the economic development and the women's social participation can enhance the possibility of women's political participation in advanced democratic countries, in Asian countries such as Korea and China in which Confucianism prohibited women to participate in public life and the process of nation building is different from western countries, the political power takes an initiative to implement policies for women's participation in politics and for women's consciousness.
Abstract: With the viral factor on social media, the sense of persuasion is generated by repetition and popularity. When users’ interest is captured, political awareness increases to spark political enthusiasm, but, the level of user’s political participation and political attitude of those active users is still questionable. An online survey on 250 youth and in-depth interview on two politicians are conducted to answer the main question in this paper. The result shows that Facebook significantly increases political awareness among youths. Social media may not be the major trigger to political activism among youths as most respondents opined that they would still vote without Facebook. Other factors could be political campaigning, political climate, age, peer pressure or others. Finding also shows that majority of respondents did not participate in online political debates or political groups. Many also wondered if the social media was the main power switch that triggers the political influx among young voters. The research finding is significant to understand how the new media, Facebook, has reshaped the political landscape in Malaysia, creating the Social Media Election that changed the rules of the political game. However, research finding does not support the ideal notion that the social media is the major trigger to youth’s political activism. This research outcome has exposed the flaws of the Social Media Election. It has revealed the less optimistic side of youth political activism. Unfortunately, results fall short of the idealistic belief that the social media have given rise to political activism among youths in the 13th General Election in Malaysia. The research outcome also highlights an important lesson for the democratic discourse of Malaysia which is making informed and educated decisions takes more commitment, proactive and objective attitude.
Abstract: The Slovak Republic is a democratic and plural society consisting of people differing in language and culture, and its citizens should already be well prepared for the coexistence of multiple nations, nationalities or ethnic groups. Reflection on culture, art and literature of the Roma minority has taken on a new dimension in Slovakia in the past two decades when it comes to social, cultural and arts integration of this ethnic group with the plural society. Non-Roma view Roma as a specific ethnic group with their own culture, language, customs and traditions, social norms and coexistence that has retained archetypal qualities of Roma identity (romipen) in their real lives as well as in the literary world. Roma characters in works of art are specific and distinguishable from other literary characters simply by being Roma, that is, of a different origin and social status, they represent a different way of life, a distinctive hierarchy of values. The portrayal of Roma and the life of Roma ethnic group in the most dominant genre of Roma literature for children and youth, a Roma fairy tale (paramisi), can work as a suitable means to learn about, accept and tolerate the otherness of Roma in the conditions of school inclusion of students coming from the Roma ethnic group, and to support their identification with their own ethnic group and its cultural traditions. The paper aims to point out not only the specific nature of Roma identity (romipen) through the selected Roma fairy tale (paramisa) – Children of the Sun, but also the diversity of its uses in the educational process within primary education of pupils at elementary schools, advocating the philosophy of inclusive education. Through the suggestions of multi-cultural, emotional, and language and communication education of pupils through the work with the selected Roma fairy tale (paramisa), the author is exploring ways to overcome the issues stemming from the coexistence of Roma and Non-Roma pupils, which are burdened with prejudice, intolerance, aggression and racism on both sides, in the education process.
Abstract: This article provides a conceptual framework of the freedom of media and its correlation with democracy. In a democracy, media should serve the publics’ right to know and reflect human rights violations and offer options for meaningful political choices and effective participation in civic affairs. On that point, the 2013 events at Gezi Park in Turkey are a good empirical example to be discussed. During the events, when self-censorship was broadly employed by mainstream Turkish media, social media filled the important role of providing information to the public. New technologies have made information into a fundamental tool for change and growth, and as a consequence, societies worldwide have merged into a single, interdependent, and autonomous organism. For this reason, violations of human rights can no longer be considered domestic issues, but rather global ones. Only global political action is an adequate response. Democracy depends on people shaping the society they live in, and in order to accomplish this, they need to express themselves. Freedom of expression is therefore necessary in order to understand diversity and differing perspectives, which in turn are necessary to resolve conflicts among people. Moreover, freedom of information is integral to freedom of expression. In this context, the international rules and laws regarding freedom of expression and freedom of information – indispensable for a free and independent media – are examined. These were put in place by international institutions such as the United Nations, UNESCO, the Council of Europe, and the European Union, which have aimed to build a free, democratic, and pluralist world committed to human rights and the rule of law. The methods of international human rights institutions depend on effective and frequent employment of mass media to relay human rights violations to the public. Therefore, in this study, the relationship between mass media and democracy, the process of how mass media forms public opinion, the problems of mass media, the neo-liberal theory of mass media, and the use of mass media by NGOs will be evaluated.
Abstract: This article interrogates the question of leadership in the context of the antidemocratic tendencies of Africa’s political leaders. The African continent has continued to struggle behind other continents of the world as a result of the failure of leadership to address the political and socio-economic challenges of the continent. Thus, bedevilled with the challenges of development, the African continent is in need of people-centred leadership. However, as the continent struggles to overcome its political and development predicaments, it is stuck in the dystopia of demagoguery that promises nothing but apocalyptic future for its teeming population. Thus, despite the enormous resources available in Africa, leadership failures have made progress difficult to achieve. At the centre of this leadership failure are demagogues: a set of leaders who have influence over a large number of people but take advantage of that influence to undermine democracy and good governance. Citing various examples across Africa, the article describes how demagogues, especially in democratic countries, have become the problem of the African continent in its quest to achieve democratic progress, development and peaceful progress.
Abstract: The adoption and application of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in government administration through e-government is expected to permeate all sectors of state/ public institutions as well as democratic institutions. One of such public institutions is the Electoral Commission of Ghana mandated by the 1992 Constitution to hold all public elections including presidential and parliamentary elections. As Ghana holds its 7th General Elections since 1992, on 7th November 2016, there are demands from key stakeholders for the Election Management Body, which is the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana to adopt and implement an electronic voting system. This case study, therefore, attempts to contribute significantly to the debate by examining influencing factors that would impact on citizen’s readiness to adopt and use an electronic voting system in Ghana. The Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) was used as a theoretical framework for this study, out of which a research model and hypotheses were developed. Importantly, the outcome of this research finding would form a basis for appropriate policy recommendation for consideration of Government and EC of Ghana.
Abstract: This study has an objective to analyze foreign policy
of member states in globalization current, aiming to answer that the
foreign policy of member states have been changed or remained the
same and there are any factors affecting changing of foreign policy of
the member states.
From the study results, it is found that the foreign policy of
Thailand is a friendly foreign policy with all states. The policy of
Indonesia is more opened because of a change in leader, allowing
more democratic development in the country; the government has
proceeded with friendly foreign policy with the states in order to
bring funds into the state. The foreign policy of Malaysia is not much
changed as there is no changing in the leader; the policy of Malaysia
has reconciled relations with main city of Indian and Chinese residing
in the country in order to bring investments into the country and to
relieve tensions in the country. The foreign policy of the Philippines
has proceeded with policy under the ASEAN framework and
emphasized on international Islam communities. The foreign policy
of Singapore has the least changed as the Singapore's policy focuses
on internal trade since the state was found. As for the foreign policy
of Brunei Darussalam, Brunei has a little role in the international
stage; the state having closest relationship as from the view of history
is Singapore as the Singaporean has invested in retailing business in
Brunei. The foreign policy of Vietnam has emphasized on an
omnidirectional foreign policy in order to compete with several states
in global stage. The foreign policy of Myanmar has proceeded with a
friendly foreign policy with all ASEAN member states, the East-west
Corridor transportation line from Myanmar through Thailand and Lao
to Vietnam has been developed. As for the foreign policy of Lao, In
2001, the Thai government and Lao government held a discussion
which Thailand reaffirmed the position not to support the anti-Lao
group. The foreign policy of Cambodia has proceeded with more
openness, having good relation with China, Russia and USA as these
states has invested in the state, especially the US company.
Abstract: The harsh realities of the scandalous failure of several notable corporations in the past two decades have inextricably resulted in a surge in corporate governance studies. Nevertheless, little or no attention has been paid to corporate governance studies in Mongolian firms and much less to the comprehension of the correlation among ownership structure, corporate governance mechanisms and trend of innovative activities. Innovation is the bed rock of enterprise success. However, the funding and support for innovative activities in many firms are to a great extent determined by the incentives provided by the firm’s internal and external governance mechanisms. Mongolia is an East Asian country currently undergoing a fast-paced transition from socialist to democratic system and it is a widely held view that private ownership as against public ownership fosters innovation. Hence, following the privatization policy of Mongolian Government which has led to the transfer of the ownership of hitherto state controlled and state directed firms to private individuals and organizations, expectations are high that sufficient motivation would be provided for firm managers to engage in innovative activities. This research focuses on the relationship between ownership structure, corporate governance on one hand and the level of innovation on the hand. The paper is empirical in nature and derives data from both reliable secondary and primary sources. Secondary data for the study was in respect of ownership structure of Mongolian listed firms and innovation trend in Mongolia generally. These were analyzed using tables, charts, bars and percentages. Personal interviews and surveys were held to collect primary data. Primary data was in respect of corporate governance practices in Mongolian firms and were collected using structured questionnaire. Out of a population of three hundred and twenty (320) companies listed on the Mongolian Stock Exchange (MSE), a sample size of thirty (30) randomly selected companies was utilized for the study. Five (5) management level employees were surveyed in each selected firm giving a total of one hundred and fifty (150) respondents. Data collected were analyzed and research hypotheses tested using Chi-Square test statistic. Research results showed that corporate governance mechanisms were better and have significantly improved overtime in privately held as opposed to publicly owned firms. Consequently, the levels of innovation in privately held firms were considerably higher. It was concluded that a significant and positive relationship exists between private ownership and good corporate governance on one hand and the level of funding provided for innovative activities in Mongolian firms on the other hand.
Abstract: This paper focuses on how judiciaries in post-conflict societies can gain legitimacy through reformation. Legitimacy plays a pivotal role in shaping people’s behavior to submit to the law and verifies the rightfulness of an organ for taking binding decisions. Among various dynamics, judicial independence, access to justice and behavioral changes of the judicial officials broadly contribute to legitimation of judiciary in general, and the courts in particular. Increasing independence of judiciary through reform limits, inter alia, government interference in judicial issues and protects basic rights of the citizens. Judicial independence does not only matter in institutional terms, individual independence also influences the impartiality and integrity of judges, which can be increased through education and better administration of justice. Finally, access to justice as an intertwined concept both at the legal and moral spectrum of judicial reform avails justice to the citizens and increases the level of public trust and confidence. Efficient legal decisions on fostering such elements through holistic reform create a rule of law atmosphere. Citizens neither accept an illegitimate judiciary nor do they trust its decisions. Lack of such tolerance and confidence deters the rule of law and thus, undermines the democratic development of a society.
Abstract: The objective of this paper is to analyze the role played by the institute of the public hearings in the Brazilian Supreme Court. The public hearings are regulated since 1999 by the Brazilian Laws nº 9.868, nº 9.882 and by the Intern Regiment of the Brazilian Supreme Court. According to this legislation, the public hearings are supposed to be called when a matter of circumstance of fact must be clarified, what can be done through the hearing of the testimonies of persons with expertise and authority in the theme related to the cause. This work aims to investigate what is the role played by the public hearings and by the experts in the Brazilian Supreme Court. The hypothesis of this research is that: (I) The public hearings in the Brazilian Supreme Court are used to uphold a rhetoric of a democratic legitimacy of the Court`s decisions; (II) The Legislative intentions have been distorted. To test this hypothesis, the adopted methodology involves an empirical study of the Brazilian jurisprudence. As a conclusion, it follows that the public hearings convened by the Brazilian Supreme Court do not correspond, in practice, to the role assigned to them by the Congress since they do not serve properly to epistemic interests. The public hearings not only do not legitimate democratically the decisions, but also, do not properly clarify technical issues.
Abstract: The right to basic sanitation, was elevated to the
category of fundamental right by the Constitution of 1988 to protect
the ecologically balanced environment, ensuring social rights to
health and adequate housing and put the dignity of the human person
as the foundation of the Brazilian Democratic State. Before their
essentiality to humans, this article seeks to understand why universal
access to basic sanitation is a goal so difficult to achieve in Brazil.
Therefore, this research uses the deductive and analytical method.
Given the nature of the research literature, research techniques were
centered in specialized books on the subject, journals, theses and
dissertations, laws, relevant law case and raising social indicators
relating to the theme. The relevance of the topic stems, among other
things, the fact that sanitation services are essential for a dignified
life, i.e., everyone is entitled to the maintenance of the necessary
existence conditions are satisfied. However, the effectiveness of this
right is undermined in society, since Brazil has huge deficit in
sanitation services, denying thus a worthy life to most of the
population. Thus, it can be seen that the provision of water and
sewage services in Brazil is still characterized by a large imbalance,
since the municipalities with lower population index have greater
disability in the sanitation service. The truth is that the precariousness
of water and sewage services in Brazil is still very concentrated in the
North and Northeast regions, limiting the effective implementation of
the Law 11.445/2007 in the country. Therefore, there is urgent need
for a positive service by the State in the provision of sanitation
services in order to prevent and control disease, improve quality of
life and productivity of individuals, besides preventing contamination
of water resources. More than just social and economic necessity,
there is a government duty to implement such services. In this sense,
given the current scenario, to achieve universal access to basic
sanitation imposes many hurdles. These are mainly in the field of
properly formulated and implemented public policies, i.e., it requires
an excellent institutional organization, management services,
strategic planning, social control, in order to provide answers to
complex challenges.
Abstract: The article proposed intends to analyze the possibility
(and conditions) of a media regulation law in a democratic rule of law
in the twenty-first century. To do so, will be presented initially the
idea of the public sphere (by Jürgen Habermas), showing how it is
presented as an interface between the citizen and the state (or the
private and public) and how important is it in a deliberative
democracy. Based on this paradigm, the traditional perception of the
role of public information (such as system functional element) and on
the possibility of media regulation will be exposed, due to the public
nature of their activity. A critical argument will then be displayed
from two different perspectives: a) the formal function of the current
media information, considering that the digital age has fragmented
the information access; b) the concept of a constructive democracy,
which reduces the need for representation, changing the strategic
importance of the public sphere. The question to be addressed (based
on the comparative law) is if the regulation is justified in a
polycentric democracy, especially when it operates under the digital
age (with immediate and virtual communication). The proposal is to
be presented in the sense that even in a twenty-first century the media
in a democratic rule of law still has an extremely important role and
may be subject to regulation, but this should be on terms very
different (and narrower) from those usually defended.
Abstract: The paper deals with the classical fiber bundle model
of equal load sharing, sometimes referred to as the Daniels’ bundle
or the democratic bundle. Daniels formulated a multidimensional
integral and also a recursive formula for evaluation of the
strength cumulative distribution function. This paper describes
three algorithms for evaluation of the recursive formula and also
their implementations with source codes in the Python high-level
programming language. A comparison of the algorithms are provided
with respect to execution time. Analysis of orders of magnitudes of
addends in the recursion is also provided.
Abstract: In this study, firstly democratic thoughts which
directly or indirectly affect economic development and/or the
interaction between authoritarian regimes and the economic
development and the direction and channels of this interaction were
studied and then the study tried to determine how democracy affects
economic development. It was concluded that the positive
contributions of democracy to economic development were more
determinant than the effects that were either negative or restrictive in
terms of development. When compared to autocracy, since
democracy is more successful in managing social conflicts, ensuring
political stability and preventing social disasters such as famine, it
contributes more to economic development. Democracy also
facilitates delegation of authority, provides a stable investment
environment and accelerates mobilization of resources in accordance
with economic growth/development. Democracy leads to an increase
in human capital accumulation and increases the growth rate through
reducing income inequality. It can be said that democratic regimes
are the most appropriate ones in terms of increasing economic
performance and supporting economic development through their
strong institutional structures and the assurance they will ensure in
property rights.
Abstract: This paper argues nation-building theories that
prioritize democratic governance best explain the successful postindependence
development of Botswana. Three main competing
schools of thought exist regarding the sequencing of policies that
should occur to re-build weakened or failed states. The first posits
that economic development should receive foremost attention, while
democratization and a binding sense of nationalism can wait. A
second group of experts identified constructing a sense of nationalism
among a populace is necessary first, so that the state receives popular
legitimacy and obedience that are prerequisites for development.
Botswana, though, transitioned into a multi-party democracy and
prosperous open economy due to the utilization of traditional
democratic structures, enlightened and accountable leadership, and an
educated technocratic civil service. With these political foundations
already in place when the discovery of diamonds occurred, the
resulting revenues were spent wisely on projects that grew the
economy, improved basic living standards, and attracted foreign
investment. Thus democratization preceded, and therefore provided
an accountable basis for, economic development that might otherwise
have been squandered by greedy and isolated elites to the detriment
of the greater population. Botswana was one of the poorest nations in
the world at the time of its independence in 1966, with little
infrastructure, a dependence on apartheid South Africa for trade, and
a largely subsistence economy. Over the next thirty years, though, its
economy grew the fastest of any nation in the world. The transparent
and judicious use of diamond returns is only a partial explanation, as
the government also pursued economic diversification, mass
education, and rural development in response to public needs.
As nation-building has become a project undertaken by nations
and multilateral agencies such as the United Nations and the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization, Botswana may provide best practices
that others should follow in attempting to reconstruct economically
and politically unstable states.
Abstract: The Ombudsman is a procedural mechanism that
provides a different approach of dispute resolution. The ombudsman
primarily deals with specific grievances from the public against
governmental injustice and misconduct. The ombudsman theory is
considered an important instrument to any democratic government.
This is true since it improves the transparency of the governmental
activities in a world in which executive power are rising. Many
countries have adopted the concept of Ombudsman but under
different terminologies. This paper will provide the different types of
Ombudsman and the common activities/processes of fulfilling their
mandates.
Abstract: Urban public spaces are sutured with a range of
surveillance and sensor technologies that claim to enable new forms
of ‘data based citizen participation’, but also increase the tendency
for ‘function-creep’, whereby vast amounts of data are gathered,
stored and analysed in a broad application of urban surveillance. This
kind of monitoring and capacity for surveillance connects with
attempts by civic authorities to regulate, restrict, rebrand and reframe
urban public spaces. A direct consequence of the increasingly
security driven, policed, privatised and surveilled nature of public
space is the exclusion or ‘unfavourable inclusion’ of those considered
flawed and unwelcome in the ‘spectacular’ consumption spaces of
many major urban centres. In the name of urban regeneration,
programs of securitisation, ‘gentrification’ and ‘creative’ and ‘smart’
city initiatives refashion public space as sites of selective inclusion
and exclusion. In this context of monitoring and control procedures,
in particular, children and young people’s use of space in parks,
neighbourhoods, shopping malls and streets is often viewed as a
threat to the social order, requiring various forms of remedial action.
This paper suggests that cities, places and spaces and those who
seek to use them, can be resilient in working to maintain and extend
democratic freedoms and processes enshrined in Marshall’s concept
of citizenship, calling sensor and surveillance systems to account.
Such accountability could better inform the implementation of public
policy around the design, build and governance of public space and
also understandings of urban citizenship in the sensor saturated urban
environment.
Abstract: This research aims to study the democratic political
socialization of the 5th and 6th Graders under the Authority of Dusit
District Office, Bangkok by using stratified sampling for probability
sampling and using purposive sampling for non-probability sampling
to collect data toward the distribution of questionnaires to 300
respondents. This covers all of the schools under the authority of
Dusit District Office. The researcher analyzed the data by using
descriptive statistics which include arithmetic mean and standard
deviation. The result shows that 5th and 6th graders under the
authority of Dusit District Office, Bangkok, have displayed some
characteristics following democratic political socialization both
inside and outside classroom as well as outside school. However, the
democratic political socialization in classroom through grouping and
class participation is much more emphasized.
Abstract: This research aims to study the level of democratic political culture and the factors that affect the democratic political culture of 5th and 6th graders under the authority of Dusit District Office, Bangkok by using stratified sampling for probability sampling and using purposive sampling for non-probability sampling to collect data toward the distribution of questionnaires to 300 respondents. This covers all of the schools under the authority of Dusit District Office. The researcher analyzed the data by using descriptive statistics which include arithmetic mean, standard deviation, and inferential statistics which are Independent Samples T-test (T-test) and One-Way ANOVA (F-test). The researcher also collected data by interviewing the target groups, and then analyzed the data by the use of descriptive analysis. The result shows that 5th and 6th graders under the authority of Dusit District Office, Bangkok have exposed to democratic political culture at high level in overall. When considering each part, it found out that the part that has highest mean is “the constitutional democratic governmental system is suitable for Thailand” statement. The part with the lowest mean is “corruption (cheat and defraud) is normal in Thai society” statement. The factor that affects democratic political culture is grade levels, occupations of mothers, and attention in news and political movements.