Abstract: Abovepresented work deals with the new scope of application of information and communication technologies for the improvement of the election process in the biased environment. We are introducing a new concept of construction of the information-communication system for the election participant. It consists of four main components: Software, Physical Infrastructure, Structured Information and the Trained Stuff. The Structured Information is the bases of the whole system and is the collection of all possible events (irregularities among them) at the polling stations, which are structured in special templates, forms and integrated in mobile devices.The software represents a package of analytic modules, which operates with the dynamic database. The application of modern communication technologies facilities the immediate exchange of information and of relevant documents between the polling stations and the Server of the participant. No less important is the training of the staff for the proper functioning of the system. The e-training system with various modules should be applied in this respect. The presented methodology is primarily focused on the election processes in the countries of emerging democracies.It can be regarded as the tool for the monitoring of elections process by the political organization(s) and as one of the instruments to foster the spread of democracy in these countries.
Abstract: In a representative democracy political parties
promote vital competition on different policy issues and play
essential roles by offering ideological alternatives. They also give
channels for citizens- participation in government decision-making
processes and they are significant conduits and interpreters of
information about government. This paper attempts to examine how
opposition political parties and rebel fronts emerged in Ethiopia, and
examines their present conditions. In this paper, selected case studies
of political parties and rebel fronts are included to highlight the status
and the role of opposition groups in the country in the three
successive administrations: Haile Selassie (1930-1974), Derg (1974-
1991), and EPRDF (1991-Present).
Abstract: This paper explores the features of political economy in the dynamics of representative politics in India. Politics is seen as enhancing economic benefits through acquiring and maintenance of power in the realm of democratic set up. The system of representation is riddled with competitive populism. Emerging leaders and parties are forced to accommodate their ideologies in coping with competitive politics. Electoral politics and voting behaviour reflect series of influences mooted by the politicians. Voters are accustomed to expect benefits outs of state exchequer. The electoral competitors show a changing phase of investment and return policy. Every elector has to spend and realize his costs in his tenure. In the case of defeated electors, even the cost recovery is not possible directly; there are indirect means to recover their costs. The series of case studies show the method of party funding, campaign financing, electoral expenditure, and cost recovery. Regulations could not restrict the level of spending. Several cases of disproportionate accumulation of wealth by the politicians reveal that money played a major part in electoral process. The political economy of representative politics hitherto ignores how a politician spends and recovers his cost and multiples his wealth. To be sure, the acquiring and maintenance of power is to enhance the wealth of the electors.
Abstract: terrorism and extremism are among the most
dangerous and difficult to forecast the phenomena of our time, which
are becoming more diverse forms and rampant. Terrorist attacks often
produce mass casualties, involve the destruction of material and
spiritual values, beyond the recovery times, sow hatred among
nations, provoke war, mistrust and hatred between the social and
national groups, which sometimes can not be overcome within a
generation. Currently, the countries of Central Asia are a topical issue
– the threat of terrorism and religious extremism, which grow not
only in our area, but throughout the world. Of course, in each of the
terrorist threat is assessed differently. In our country the problem of
terrorism should not be acutely. Thus, after independence and
sovereignty of Kazakhstan has chosen the path of democracy,
progress and free economy. With the policy of the President of
Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev and well-organized political and
economic reforms, there has been economic growth and rising living
standards, socio-political stability, ensured civil peace and accord in
society [1].
Abstract: This paper explores the changing trend in citizenship
norms among young citizens from various ethnic groups in Malaysia
and the extent to which it influences the participation of young
citizens in political and civil issues. Embedded in democratic
constitutions are the rights and freedoms that accompany citizenship,
and these rights and freedoms include participation. Participation in
democracies should go beyond voting; it should include taking part in
the governance process. The political process is not at risk even
though politics does not work as it did in the past. A national sample
of 1697 respondents between the ages of 21 and 40 years were
interviewed in January 2011. The findings show that respondents
embrace an engaged-citizenship norm more than they do the
traditional duty-citizen norm. Among the ethnic groups, the Chinese
show lower means in both citizenship norms compared with other
ethnic groups, namely, the Malays and the Indians. The duty-citizen
norm correlates higher with political participation than with civic
participation. On the other hand, the engaged-citizen norm correlates
higher with civic participation than with political participation.
Abstract: For the past thirty years the Malaysian economy has been said to contribute well to the progress of the nations. However, the intensification of global economy activity and the extensive use of Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) in recent years are challenging government-s effort to further develop Malaysian society. The competition posed by the low wage economies such as China and Vietnam have made the government realise the importance of engaging in high-skill and high technology industries. It is hoped this will be the basis of attracting more foreign direct investment (FDI) in order to help the country to compete in globalised world. Using Vision 2020 as it targeted vision, the government has decided to engage in the use of ICTs and introduce many policies pertaining to it. Mainly based on the secondary analysis approach, the findings show that policy pertaining to ICTs in Malaysia contributes to economic growth, but the consequences of this have resulted in greater division within society. Although some of the divisions such as gender and ethnicity are narrowing down, the gap in important areas such as regions and class differences is becoming wider. The widespread use of ICTs might contribute to the further establishment of democracy in Malaysia, but the increasing number of foreign entities such as FDI and foreign workers, cultural hybridisation and to some extent cultural domination are contributing to neocolonialism in Malaysia. This has obvious consequences for the government-s effort to create a Malaysian national identity. An important finding of this work is that there are contradictions within ICT policy between the effort to develop the economy and society.
Abstract: This paper aims to argue that religion and Faith-based Organizations (FBOs) contribute to building democratic process through the provision of education in Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone experienced a civil war from 1991 to 2002 and about 70 percent of the population lives in poverty. While the government has been in the process of rebuilding the nation, many forms of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), including FBOs, have played a significant role in promoting social development. Education plays an important role in supporting people-s democratic movements through knowledge acquisition, spiritual enlightenment and empowerment. This paper discusses religious tolerance in Sierra Leone and how FBOs have contributed to the provision of primary education in Sierra Leone. This study is based on the author-s field research, which involved interviews with teachers and development stakeholders, notably government officials, Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) and FBOs, as well as questionnaires completed by pupils, parents and teachers.
Abstract: Computer-mediated communication technologies which provide for virtual communities have typically evolved in a cross-dichotomous manner, such that technical constructs of the technology have evolved independently from the social environment of the community. The present paper analyses some limitations of current implementations of computer-mediated communication technology that are implied by such a dichotomy, and discusses their inhibiting effects on possible developments of virtual communities. A Socio-Technical Indicator Model is introduced that utilizes integrated feedback to describe, simulate and operationalise increasing representativeness within a variety of structurally and parametrically diverse systems. In illustration, applications of the model are briefly described for financial markets and for eco-systems. A detailed application is then provided to resolve the aforementioned technical limitations of moderation on the evolution of virtual communities. The application parameterises virtual communities to function as self-transforming social-technical systems which are sensitive to emergent and shifting community values as products of on-going communications within the collective.
Abstract: The 2008 Candlelight Protests of Korea was very
significant to portray the political environment among the South
Korean youth. Many challenges and new advanced technologies have
driven the youth community to be engaged in the political arena that
has shifted them from traditional Korean youth to a very greater
community. Due to historical perspective with the people of North
Korea, the young generation has embraced different view of ethnic
nationalism. This study examines the youth involvement in politics in
line with their level of acceptance the practice of democracy. The
increase usage of new media has shown great results in the survey
results whereby the youth used as a platform to gain political
information and brought higher degree of their sociopolitical interests
among them. Furthermore, the rise of nationalism and patriotism will
be discussed in this paper to the dynamism of the political approaches
used by the Korea government
Abstract: This paper describes the evolution of language
politics and the part played by political leaders with reference to
the Dravidian parties in Tamil Nadu. It explores the interesting
evolution from separatism to coalition in sustaining the values of
parliamentary democracy and federalism. It seems that the
appropriation of language politics is fully ascribed to the DMK
leadership under Annadurai and Karunanidhi. For them, the Tamil
language is a self-determining power, a terrain of nationhood, and
a perennial source of social and political powers. The DMK
remains a symbol of Tamil nationalist party playing language
politics in the interest of the Tamils. Though electoral alliances
largely determine the success, the language politics still has
significant space in the politics of Tamil Nadu. Ironically, DMK
moves from the periphery to centre for getting national recognition
for the Tamils as well as for its own maximization of power. The
evolution can be seen in two major phases as: language politics for
party building; and language politics for state building with three
successive political processes, namely, language politics in the
process of separatism, representative politics and coalition. The
much pronounced Dravidian Movement is radical enough to
democratize the party ideology to survive the spirit of
parliamentary democracy. This has secured its own rewards in
terms of political power. The political power provides the means to
achieve the social and political goal of the political party.
Language politics and leadership pattern actualized this trend
though the movement is shifted from separatism to coalition.
Abstract: This paper investigates the relationship between state and business in the context of structural and institutional transformations in Indonesia following the collapse of the New Order regime in 1998. Since 1998, Indonesia has embarked on a shift from an authoritarian to democratic polity and from a centralised to a decentralised system of governance, transforming the country into the third largest democracy and one of the most decentralised states in the world. This paper examines whether the transformation of the Indonesian state has altered the pattern of state and business relations with focus on clientism and corruption as the key dependent variable, and probes how/to what extent this has changed as a result of the transformation and the ensuring shifts in business and state relations. Based on interviews with key government and business actors as well as prominent scholars in Indonesia, it is found that since the demise of the New Order, business associations in Indonesia have become more independent of state control and more influential in public decision-making whereas the government has become more responsive of business concerns and more committed to combat corruption and clientism. However, these changes have not necessarily rendered business people completely leave individualclientelistic relationship with the government, and simply pursue wider sectoral and business-wide collectivism as an alternative way of channelling their aspirations, which is expected to help reduce corruption and clientism in Indonesia. This paper concludes that democratisation and a more open politics may have helped reduce corruption and clientism in Indonesia through changes in government. However, it is still difficult to imply that such political transformation has fostered business collective action and a broader, more encompassing pattern of business lobbying and activism, which is expected to help reduce corruption and clientism.
Abstract: Since 1991 Ethiopia has officially adopted multi-party democracy. At present, there are 89 registered political parties in the country. Though political parties play an important role in the functioning of a democratic government, how to fund them is an issue of major concern. Political parties and individual candidates running for political office have to raise funds for election campaigns, and to survive as political candidates. The aim of this paper is to examine party funding problems in Africa by taking the case of Ethiopia as an example. The paper also evaluates the motives of local and international donors in giving financial and material support to political parties in emerging democracies and assesses the merits and de-merits of their donations.
Abstract: The paper discusses European Lifelong Learning policy in the European enlargement to the Balkan. The European Lifelong Learning policy with Human Capital approach is researched in the country case of Macedonia. The paper argues that Human Capital approach focusing on instrumental and economic importance of learning for employability and economic growth needs to be complemented with Capability Approach for intrinsic and noneconomic needs of learning among the ethnic minorities. The paper identifies two dimensions of importance – minority languages and civic education – that the Capability Approach may develop to guarantee equal opportunities to all to benefit from European educational and lifelong learning development and to build an inclusive and socially just democracy in Macedonia.
Abstract: It is impossible to think about democracy without elections. The litmus test of any electoral process in any country is the possibility of a one time minority to become a majority at another time and a peaceful transition of power. In many countries in Sub-Saharan Africa though the multi-party elections appeared to be competitive they failed the acid test of democracy: peaceful regime change in a free and fair election. Failure to solve electoral disputes might lead to bloody electoral conflicts as witnessed in many emerging democracies in Africa. The aim of this paper is to investigate electoral conflicts in Africa since the end of the Cold War by using the 2005 post-election violence in Ethiopia as a case study. In Ethiopia, the coming to power of the EPRDF in 1991 marked the fall of the Derg dictatorial military government and the beginning of a multi-party democracy. The country held multi-party parliamentary elections in 1995, 2000, and 2005 where the ruling EPRDF party “won" the elections through violence, involving intimidation, manipulation, detentions of political opponents, torture, and political assassinations. The 2005 electoral violence was the worst electoral violence in the country-s political history that led to the death of 193 protestors and the imprisonment of more than 40, 000 people. It is found out that the major causes of the 2005 Ethiopian election were the defeat of the ruling party in the election and its attempt to reverse the poll results by force; the Opposition-s lack of decisive leadership; the absence of independent courts and independent electoral management body; and the ruling party-s direct control over the army and police.
Abstract: In the present essay, a model of choice by actors is analysedby utilizing the theory of chaos to explain how change comes about. Then, by using ancient and modern sources of literature, the theory of the social contract is analysed as a historical phenomenon that first appeared during the period of Classical Greece. Then, based on the findings of this analysis, the practice of direct democracy and public choice in ancient Athens is analysed, through two historical cases: Eubulus and Lycurgus political program in the second half of the 4th century. The main finding of this research is that these policies can be interpreted as an implementation of a social contract, through which citizens were taking decisions based on rational choice according to economic considerations.
Abstract: The number of electronic participation (eParticipation) projects introduced by different governments and international organisations is considerably high and increasing. In order to have an overview of the development of these projects, various evaluation frameworks have been proposed. In this paper, a five-level participation model, which takes into account the advantages of the Social Web or Web 2.0, together with a quantitative approach for the evaluation of eParticipation projects is presented. Each participation level is evaluated independently, taking into account three main components: Web evolution, media richness, and communication channels. This paper presents the evaluation of a number of existing Voting Advice Applications (VAAs). The results provide an overview of the main features implemented by each project, their strengths and weaknesses, and the participation levels reached.
Abstract: The purpose of this report is to suggest a new
methodology for the assessment of the comparative efficiency of the
reforms made in different countries by an integral index. We have
highlighted the reforms made in post-crisis period in 21 former
socialist countries.
The integral index describes the social-economic development
level. The integral index contains of six indexes: The Global
Competitiveness Index, Doing Business, The Corruption Perception,
The Index of Economic Freedom, The Human Development, and
The Democracy Index, which are reported by different international
organizations. With the help of our methodology we first summarized
the above-mentioned 6 indexes and attained 1 general index, besides,
our new method enables us to assess the comparative efficiency of the
reforms made in different countries by analyzing them.
The purpose is to reveal the opportunities and threats of socialeconomic
reforms in different directions.
Abstract: The recent development of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) enables new ways of "democratic" decision-making such as a page-ranking system, which estimates the importance of a web page based on indirect trust on that page shared by diverse group of unorganized individuals. These kinds of "democracy" have not been acclaimed yet in the world of real politics. On the other hand, a large amount of data about personal relations including trust, norms of reciprocity, and networks of civic engagement has been accumulated in a computer-readable form by computer systems (e.g., social networking systems). We can use these relations as a new type of social capital to construct a new democratic decision-making system based on a delegation network. In this paper, we propose an effective decision-making support system, which is based on empowering someone's vote whom you trust. For this purpose, we propose two new techniques: the first is for estimating entire vote distribution from a small number of votes, and the second is for estimating active voter choice to promote voting using a delegation network. We show that these techniques could increase the voting ratio and credibility of the whole decision by agent-based simulations.
Abstract: This paper aims to argue that religion and Faith-based
Organizations (FBOs) contribute to building democratic process
through the provision of education in Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone
experienced a civil war from 1991 to 2002 and about 70 percent of the
population lives in poverty. While the government has been in the
process of rebuilding the nation, many forms of Civil Society
Organizations (CSOs), including FBOs, have played a significant role
in promoting social development. Education plays an important role in
supporting people-s democratic movements through knowledge
acquisition, spiritual enlightenment and empowerment. This paper
discusses religious tolerance in Sierra Leone and how FBOs have
contributed to the provision of primary education in Sierra Leone. This
study is based on the author-s field research, which involved
interviews with teachers and development stakeholders, notably
government officials, Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) and
FBOs, as well as questionnaires completed by pupils, parents and
teachers.
Abstract: In policy discourse of 1990s, more inclusive spaces
have been constructed for realizing full and meaningful participation
of common people in education. These participatory spaces provide
an alternative possibility for universalizing elementary education
against the backdrop of a history of entrenched forms of social and
economical exclusion; inequitable education provisions; and
shrinking role of the state in today-s neo-liberal times. Drawing on
case-studies of bottom-up approaches to school governance, the study
examines an array of innovative ways through which poor people
gained a sense of identity and agency by evolving indigenous
solutions to issues regarding schooling of their children. In the
process, state-s institutions and practices became more accountable
and responsive to educational concerns of the marginalized people.
The deliberative participation emerged as an active way of
experiencing deeper forms of empowerment and democracy than its
passive realization as mere bearers of citizen rights.