Abstract: Missile proliferation and global stability are intrinsically linked. Missile threats continually appear at the forefront of global security issues. North Korea’s recently demonstrated nuclear and intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) capabilities, for the first time since the Cold War, renewed public interest in strategic missile defense capabilities. To protect from limited ICBM attacks from so-called rogue actors, the United States developed the Ground-based Midcourse Defense (GMD) system. This study examines if the GMD missile defense shield has contributed to a safer world or triggered a new arms race. Based upon increased missile-related developments and the lack of adherence to international missile treaties, it is generally perceived that the GMD system is a destabilizing factor for global security. By examining the current state of arms control treaties as well as existing missile arsenals and ongoing efforts in technologies to overcome U.S. missile defenses, this study seeks to analyze the contribution of GMD to global stability. A thorough investigation cannot ignore that, through the establishment of this limited capability, the U.S. violated longstanding, successful weapons treaties and caused concern among states that possess ICBMs. GMD capability contributes to the perception that ICBM arsenals could become ineffective, creating an imbalance in favor of the United States, leading to increased global instability and tension. While blame for the deterioration of global stability and non-adherence to arms control treaties is often placed on U.S. missile defense, the facts do not necessarily support this view. The notion of a renewed arms race due to GMD is supported neither by current missile arsenals nor by the inevitable development of new and enhanced missile technology, to include multiple independently targeted reentry vehicles (MIRVs), maneuverable reentry vehicles (MaRVs), and hypersonic glide vehicles (HGVs). The methodology in this study encapsulates a period of time, pre- and post-GMD introduction, while analyzing international treaty adherence, missile counts and types, and research in new missile technologies. The decline in international treaty adherence, coupled with a measurable increase in the number and types of missiles or research in new missile technologies during the period after the introduction of GMD, could be perceived as a clear indicator of GMD contributing to global instability. However, research into improved technology (MIRV, MaRV and HGV) prior to GMD, as well as a decline of various global missile inventories and testing of systems during this same period, would seem to invalidate this theory. U.S. adversaries have exploited the perception of the U.S. missile defense shield as a destabilizing factor as a pretext to strengthen and modernize their militaries and justify their policies. As a result, it can be concluded that global stability has not significantly decreased due to GMD; but rather, the natural progression of technological and missile development would inherently include innovative and dynamic approaches to target engagement, deterrence, and national defense.
Abstract: In the contemporary global political economy, foreign direct investment (FDI) is gaining currency on daily basis. Notably, the end of the Cold War has brought about the dominance of neoliberal ideology with its mantra of private-sector-led economy. As such, nation-states now see FDI attraction as an important element in their approach to national development. Governments and policy makers are preoccupying themselves with unraveling the best strategies to not only attract more FDI but also to attain the desired socio-economic development status. In Nigeria, the perceived development potentials of FDI have brought about aggressive hunt for foreign investors, most especially since transition to civilian rule in May 1999. Series of liberal and market oriented strategies are being adopted not only to attract foreign investors but largely to stimulate private sector participation in the economy. It is on this premise that this study interrogates the politics of FDI attraction for domestic development in Nigeria between 1999 and 2014, with the ultimate aim of examining the nexus between regime type and the ability of a state to attract and benefit from FDI. Building its analysis within the framework of institutional utilitarianism, the study posits that the essential FDI strategies for achieving the greatest happiness for the greatest number of Nigerians are political not economic. Both content analysis and descriptive survey methodology were employed in carrying out the study. Content analysis involves desk review of literatures that culminated in the development of the study’s conceptual and theoretical framework of analysis. The study finds no significant relationship between transition to democracy and FDI inflows in Nigeria, as most of the attracted investments during the period of the study were market and resource seeking as was the case during the military regime, thereby contributing minimally to the socio-economic development of the country. It is also found that the country placed much emphasis on liberalization and incentives for FDI attraction at the neglect of improving the domestic investment environment. Consequently, poor state of infrastructure, weak institutional capability and insecurity were identified as the major factors seriously hindering the success of Nigeria in exploiting FDI for domestic development. Given the reality of the currency of FDI as a vector of economic globalization and that Nigeria is trailing the line of private-sector-led approach to development, it is recommended that emphasis should be placed on those measures aimed at improving the infrastructural facilities, building solid institutional framework, enhancing skill and technological transfer and coordinating FDI promotion activities by different agencies and at different levels of government.
Abstract: The developments in the Middle East region have activated the involvement of a numerous diverse state and non-state actors in the regional affairs. The goals, positions, ideologies, different, and even contrast policy behaviors had procured the spreading and continuity of crisis. Non-state actors varying from Islamic organizations to takfiri-terrorist movements on one hand and regional and trans- regional actors, from another side, seek to reach their interests in the power struggle. Here, a research worthy question comes on the agenda: taking into consideration actors’ contradictory interests and constraints what are the regional peace and stability perspectives? Therein, different actors’ aims definition, their actions and behaviors, which affect instability, can be regarded as independent variables; whereas, on the contrary, Middle East peace and stability perspective analysis is a dependent variable. Though, this regional peace and war theory based research admits the significant influence of trans-regional actors, it asserts the roots of violence to derive from region itself. Consequently, hot war and conflict prevention and hot peace assurance in the Middle East region cannot be attained only by demands and approaches of trans-regional actors. Moreover, capacity of trans-regional actors is sufficient only for a cold war or cold peace to be reached in the region. Furthermore, within the framework of current conflict (struggle) between regional actors it seems to be difficult and even impossible to turn the cold war into a cold peace in the region.
Abstract: Second generation military Filipino Amerasians
comprise a formidable contemporary segment of the estimated
250,000-plus biracial Amerasians in the Philippines today. Overall,
they are a stigmatized and socioeconomically marginalized diaspora;
historically, they were abandoned or estranged by U.S. military
personnel fathers assigned during the century-long Colonial, Post-
World War II and Cold War Era of permanent military basing (1898-
1992). Indeed, U.S. military personnel are assigned in smaller
numbers in the Philippines today. This inquiry is an outgrowth of two
recent small sample studies. The first surfaced the impact of the U.S.
military prostitution system on formation of the ‘Derivative
Amerasian Family Construct’ on first generation Amerasians; a
second, qualitative case study suggested the continued effect of the
prostitution systems' destructive impetuous on second generation
Amerasians. The intent of this current qualitative, multiple-case study
was to actively seek out second generation sex industry toilers. The
purpose was to focus further on this human phenomenon in the postbasing
and post-military prostitution system eras. As background, the
former military prostitution apparatus has transformed into a modern
dynamic of rampant sex tourism and prostitution nationwide. This is
characterized by hotel and resorts offering unrestricted carnal access,
urban and provincial brothels (casas), discos, bars and pickup clubs,
massage parlors, local barrio karaoke bars and street prostitution. A
small case study sample (N = 4) of female and male second
generation Amerasians were selected. Sample formation employed a
non-probability ‘snowball’ technique drawing respondents from the
notorious Angeles, Metro Manila, Olongapo City ‘AMO Amerasian
Triangle’ where most former U.S. military installations were sited
and modern sex tourism thrives. A six-month study and analysis of
in-depth interviews of female and male sex laborers, their families
and peers revealed a litany of disturbing, and troublesome
experiences. Results showed profiles of debilitating human poverty,
history of family disorganization, stigmatization, social
marginalization and the ghost of the military prostitution system and
its harmful legacy on Amerasian family units. Emerging were testimonials of wayward young people ensnared in a maelstrom of
deep economic deprivation, familial dysfunction, psychological
desperation and societal indifference. The paper recommends that
more study is needed and implications of unstudied psychosocial and
socioeconomic experiences of distressed younger generations of
military Amerasians require specific research. Heretofore apathetic or
disengaged U.S. institutions need to confront the issue and formulate
activist and solution-oriented social welfare, human services and
immigration easement policies and alternatives. These institutions
specifically include academic and social science research agencies,
corporate foundations, the U.S. Congress, and Departments of State,
Defense and Health and Human Services, and Homeland Security
(i.e. Citizen and Immigration Services) It is them who continue to
endorse a laissez-faire policy of non-involvement over the entire
Filipino Amerasian question. Such apathy, the paper concludes,
relegates this consequential but neglected blood progeny to the status
of humiliating destitution and exploitation. Amerasians; thus, remain
entrapped in their former colonial, and neo-colonial habitat.
Ironically, they are unwitting victims of a U.S. American homeland
that fancies itself geo-politically as a strong and strategic military
treaty ally of the Philippines in the Western Pacific.
Abstract: The modern world is experiencing fundamental and dynamic changes. The transformation of international relations; the end of confrontation and successive overcoming of the Cold War consequences have expanded possible international cooperation. The global nuclear conflict threat has been minimized, while a tendency to establish a unipolar world structure with the U.S. economic and power domination is growing. The current world system of international relations, apparently is secular. However, the religious beliefs of one or another nations play a certain (sometimes a key) role, both in the domestic affairs of the individual countries and in the development of bilateral ties. Political situation in Central Asia has been characterized by new factors such as international terrorism; religious extremism and radicalism; narcotrafficking and illicit arms trade of a global character immediately threaten to peace and political stability in Central Asia. The role and influence of Islamic fundamentalism is increasing; political ethnocentrism and the associated aggravation of inter-ethnic relations, the ambiguity of national interests and objectives of major geo-political groups in the Central Asian region regarding the division the political influence, emerge. This article approaches the following issues: the role of Islam in Central Asia; destabilizing factors in Central Asia; Islamic movements in Central Asia, Western Europe and the United States; the United States, Western Europe and Central Asia: religion, politics, ideology, and the US-Central Asia antiterrorism and religious extremism cooperation.
Abstract: The question of interethnic and interreligious conflicts
in ex-Yugoslavia receives much attention within the framework of
the international context created after 1991 because of the impact of
these conflicts on the security and the stability of the region of
Balkans and of Europe.
This paper focuses on the rationales leading to the declaration of
independence by Kosovo according to ethnic and religious criteria
and analyzes why these same rationales were not applied in Bosnia
and Herzegovina. The approach undertaken aims at comparatively
examining the cases of Kosovo, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the
same time, it aims at understanding the political decision making of
the international community in the case of Kosovo. Specifically, was
this a good political decision for the security and the stability of the
region of Balkans, of Europe, or even for global security and
stability?
This research starts with an overview on the European security
framework post 1991, paying particular attention to Kosovo and
Bosnia and Herzegovina. It then presents the theoretical and
methodological framework and compares the representative cases.
Using the constructivism issue and the comparative methodology, it
arrives at the results of the study. An important issue of the paper is
the thesis that this event modifies the principles of international law
and creates dangerous precedents for regional stability in the
Balkans.
Abstract: It is impossible to think about democracy without elections. The litmus test of any electoral process in any country is the possibility of a one time minority to become a majority at another time and a peaceful transition of power. In many countries in Sub-Saharan Africa though the multi-party elections appeared to be competitive they failed the acid test of democracy: peaceful regime change in a free and fair election. Failure to solve electoral disputes might lead to bloody electoral conflicts as witnessed in many emerging democracies in Africa. The aim of this paper is to investigate electoral conflicts in Africa since the end of the Cold War by using the 2005 post-election violence in Ethiopia as a case study. In Ethiopia, the coming to power of the EPRDF in 1991 marked the fall of the Derg dictatorial military government and the beginning of a multi-party democracy. The country held multi-party parliamentary elections in 1995, 2000, and 2005 where the ruling EPRDF party “won" the elections through violence, involving intimidation, manipulation, detentions of political opponents, torture, and political assassinations. The 2005 electoral violence was the worst electoral violence in the country-s political history that led to the death of 193 protestors and the imprisonment of more than 40, 000 people. It is found out that the major causes of the 2005 Ethiopian election were the defeat of the ruling party in the election and its attempt to reverse the poll results by force; the Opposition-s lack of decisive leadership; the absence of independent courts and independent electoral management body; and the ruling party-s direct control over the army and police.
Abstract: The article deals with the problems of political and
economic processes in Kazakhstan since independence in the context
of globalization. It analyzes the geopolitical situation and selfpositioning
processes in the world after the end of the "cold war". It
examines the problems of internal economization of the Republic for
20 years of independence. The authors argue that the reforms
proceeded in the economic sphere have brought ambiguous and
tangible results. Despite the difficult economic and political conditions
facing a world economical crisis the country has undergone
fundamental and radical transformations in the whole socio-economic
system
Abstract: The Shanghai Cooperation Organization is one of the successful outcomes of China's foreign policy since the end of the Cold war. The expansion of multilateral ties all over the world by dint of pursuing institutional strategies as SCO, identify China as a more constructive power. SCO became a new model of cooperation that was formed on remains of collapsed Soviet system, and predetermined China's geopolitical role in the region. As the fast developing effective regional mechanism, SCO today has more of external impact on the international system and forms a new type of interaction for promoting China's grand strategy of 'peaceful rise'.