Clinical and Methodological Issues in the Research on the Rape Myth

The purpose of this study is to revisit the concept of rape as represented by professionals in the literature as well as its perception (beliefs and attitudes) in the population at large and to propose methodological improvements to its measurement tool. Rape is a serious crime threatening its victim-s physical and mental health and integrity; and as such is legally prosecuted in all modern societies. The problem is not in accepting or rejecting rape as a criminal act, but rather in the vagueness of its interpretations and “justifications" maintained in the mentality of modern societies - known in the literature as the phenomenon of "rape-myth". The rapemyth can be studied from different perspectives: criminology, sociology, ethics, medicine and psychology. Its investigation requires rigorous scientific objectivity, free of passion (victims of rape are at risk of emotional bias), free of activism (social activists, even if wellintentioned are also biased), free of any pre-emptive assumptions or prejudices. To apply a rigorous scientific procedure, we need a solid, valid and reliable measurement. Rape is a form of heterosexual or homosexual aggression, violently forcing the victim to give-in in the sexual activity of the aggressor against her/his will. Human beings always try to “understand" or find a reason justifying their acts. Psychological literature provides multiple clinical and experimental examples of it; just to mention the famous studies by Milgram on the level of electroshock delivered by the “teacher" towards the “learner" if “scientifically justifiable" or the studies on the behavior of “prisoners" and the “guards" and many other experiments and field observations. Sigmund Freud presented the phenomenon of unconscious justification and called it rationalization. The multiple justifications, rationalizations and repeated opinions about sexual behavior contribute to a myth maintained in the society. What kind of “rationale" our societies apply to “understand" the non-consensual sexual behavior? There are many, just to mention few: • Sex is a ludistic activity for both participants, therefore – even if not consented – it should bring pleasure to both. • Everybody wants sex, but only men are allowed to manifest it openly while women have to pretend the opposite, thus men have to initiate sexual behavior and women would follow. • A person who strongly needs sex is free to manifest it and struggle to get it; the person who doesn-t want it must not reveal her/his sexual attraction and avoid risky situations; otherwise she/he is perceived as a promiscuous seducer. • A person who doesn-t fight against the sexual initiator unconsciously accepts the rape (does it explain why homosexual rapes are reported less frequently than rapes against women?). • Women who are raped deserve it because their wardrobe is very revealing and seducing and they ''willingly'' go to highly risky places (alleys, dark roads, etc.). • Men need to ventilate their sexual energy and if they are deprived of a partner their urge to have sex is difficult to control. • Men are supposed to initiate and insist even by force to have sex (their testosterone makes them both sexual and aggressive). The paper overviews numerous cultural beliefs about masculine versus feminine behavior and their impact on the “rape myth".

On the Need to have an Additional Methodology for the Psychological Product Measurement and Evaluation

Cognitive Science appeared about 40 years ago, subsequent to the challenge of the Artificial Intelligence, as common territory for several scientific disciplines such as: IT, mathematics, psychology, neurology, philosophy, sociology, and linguistics. The new born science was justified by the complexity of the problems related to the human knowledge on one hand, and on the other by the fact that none of the above mentioned sciences could explain alone the mental phenomena. Based on the data supplied by the experimental sciences such as psychology or neurology, models of the human mind operation are built in the cognition science. These models are implemented in computer programs and/or electronic circuits (specific to the artificial intelligence) – cognitive systems – whose competences and performances are compared to the human ones, leading to the psychology and neurology data reinterpretation, respectively to the construction of new models. During these processes if psychology provides the experimental basis, philosophy and mathematics provides the abstraction level utterly necessary for the intermission of the mentioned sciences. The ongoing general problematic of the cognitive approach provides two important types of approach: the computational one, starting from the idea that the mental phenomenon can be reduced to 1 and 0 type calculus operations, and the connection one that considers the thinking products as being a result of the interaction between all the composing (included) systems. In the field of psychology measurements in the computational register use classical inquiries and psychometrical tests, generally based on calculus methods. Deeming things from both sides that are representing the cognitive science, we can notice a gap in psychological product measurement possibilities, regarded from the connectionist perspective, that requires the unitary understanding of the quality – quantity whole. In such approach measurement by calculus proves to be inefficient. Our researches, deployed for longer than 20 years, lead to the conclusion that measuring by forms properly fits to the connectionism laws and principles.

Effects of Proactive Coping on Workplace Adaptation After Transition from College to Workplace

Proactive coping directed at an upcoming as opposed to an ongoing stressor, is a new focus in positive psychology. The present study explored the proactive coping-s effect on the workplace adaptation after transition from college to workplace. In order to demonstrate the influence process between them, we constructed the model of proactive coping style effecting the actual positive coping efforts and outcomes by mediating proactive competence during one year after the transition. Participants (n = 100) started to work right after graduating from college completed all the four time-s surveys --one month before (Time 0), one month after (Time 1), three months after (Time 2), and one year after (Time 3) the transition. Time 0 survey included the measurement of proactive coping style and competence. Time 1, 2, 3 surveys included the measurement of the challenge cognitive appraisal, problem solving coping strategy, and subjective workplace adaptation. The result indicated that proactive coping style effected newcomers- actual coping efforts and outcomes by mediating proactive coping competence. The result also showed that proactive coping competence directly promoted Time1-s actual positive coping efforts and outcomes, and indirectly promoted Time 2-s and Time 3-s.