Abstract: What people say on social media has turned into a
rich source of information to understand social behavior. Specifically,
the growing use of Twitter social media for political communication
has arisen high opportunities to know the opinion of large numbers
of politically active individuals in real time and predict the global
political tendencies of a specific country. It has led to an increasing
body of research on this topic. The majority of these studies have
been focused on polarized political contexts characterized by only
two alternatives. Unlike them, this paper tackles the challenge
of forecasting Spanish political trends, characterized by multiple
political parties, by means of analyzing the Twitters Users political
tendency. According to this, a new strategy, named Tweets Analysis
Strategy (TAS), is proposed. This is based on analyzing the users
tweets by means of discovering its sentiment (positive, negative or
neutral) and classifying them according to the political party they
support. From this individual political tendency, the global political
prediction for each political party is calculated. In order to do this,
two different strategies for analyzing the sentiment analysis are
proposed: one is based on Positive and Negative words Matching
(PNM) and the second one is based on a Neural Networks Strategy
(NNS). The complete TAS strategy has been performed in a Big-Data
environment. The experimental results presented in this paper reveal
that NNS strategy performs much better than PNM strategy to analyze
the tweet sentiment. In addition, this research analyzes the viability
of the TAS strategy to obtain the global trend in a political context
make up by multiple parties with an error lower than 23%.
Abstract: Political participation involves voluntary and
deliberate efforts by the members of a political system to determine
the kinds of political institution and individuals that will govern them
and equally influence the mobilization and allocation of the available
societal resources. Over the years, youths in Nigeria participate
actively in political party rallies and voting to elect their leaders and
representatives in governance. This paper examines categories and
nature of participation in politics as well as factors that drive youths
into politics in Sokoto State. A survey conducted, through focus
group discussions, interviews and questionnaire, in the six sampled
Local Government of Sokoto State identifies three category of
political participation; namely, active, moderate and apathetic
participation. The findings reveal that 63.57% of respondents are
apathetic to politics in the State and unemployed youth constitutes
34.74% of the entire responses. The paper establishes that lack of
attainment of need (63.22%) is one of the reasons that make youths
engage into participatory activities that encourage political thuggery
and manipulation of electoral outcomes. The paper recommends that
youths should be engaged into positive rational participatory
activities that ensure inclusiveness and promotion of good
governance in Nigeria. It is hoped that this will enlighten youths and
policy implementers on the constructive strategies in controlling
youths’ negative participation in politics in Nigeria.
Abstract: Each of the countries around the world has different
ways of management and many of them depend on people to
administrate their country. Thailand, for example, empowers the
sovereignty of Thai people under constitution; however, our Thai
voting system is not able to flow fast enough under the current
Political management system. The sovereignty of Thai people is
addressing this problem through representatives during current
elections, in order to set a new policy for the countries ideology to
change in the House and the Cabinet.
This is particularly important in a democracy to be developed
under our current political institution. The Organic Act on Political
Parties 2007 is the establishment we have today that is causing
confrontations within the establishment. There are many political
parties that will soon be abolished. Many political parties have
already been subsidized. This research study is to analyze the legal
problems with the political party establishment under the Organic Act
on Political Parties 2007.
This will focus on the freedom of each political establishment
compared to an effective political operation. Textbooks and academic
papers will be referenced from studies home and abroad.
The study revealed that Organic Act on Political Parties 2007 has
strict provisions on the political structure over the number of
members and the number of branches involved within political
parties system.
Such operations shall be completed within one year; but under the
existing laws the small parties are not able to participate with the
bigger parties. The cities are capable of fulfilling small political party
requirements but fail to become coalesced because the current laws
won't allow them to be united as one. It is important to allow all
independent political parties to join our current political structure.
Board members can’t help the smaller parties to become a large
organization under the existing Thai laws.
Creating a new establishment that functions efficiently throughout
all branches would be one solution to these legal problems between
all political parties. With this new operation, individual political
parties can participate with the bigger parties during elections. Until
current political institutions change their system to accommodate
public opinion, these current Thai laws will continue to be a problem
with all political parties in Thailand.
Abstract: In a representative democracy political parties
promote vital competition on different policy issues and play
essential roles by offering ideological alternatives. They also give
channels for citizens- participation in government decision-making
processes and they are significant conduits and interpreters of
information about government. This paper attempts to examine how
opposition political parties and rebel fronts emerged in Ethiopia, and
examines their present conditions. In this paper, selected case studies
of political parties and rebel fronts are included to highlight the status
and the role of opposition groups in the country in the three
successive administrations: Haile Selassie (1930-1974), Derg (1974-
1991), and EPRDF (1991-Present).
Abstract: This paper describes the evolution of language
politics and the part played by political leaders with reference to
the Dravidian parties in Tamil Nadu. It explores the interesting
evolution from separatism to coalition in sustaining the values of
parliamentary democracy and federalism. It seems that the
appropriation of language politics is fully ascribed to the DMK
leadership under Annadurai and Karunanidhi. For them, the Tamil
language is a self-determining power, a terrain of nationhood, and
a perennial source of social and political powers. The DMK
remains a symbol of Tamil nationalist party playing language
politics in the interest of the Tamils. Though electoral alliances
largely determine the success, the language politics still has
significant space in the politics of Tamil Nadu. Ironically, DMK
moves from the periphery to centre for getting national recognition
for the Tamils as well as for its own maximization of power. The
evolution can be seen in two major phases as: language politics for
party building; and language politics for state building with three
successive political processes, namely, language politics in the
process of separatism, representative politics and coalition. The
much pronounced Dravidian Movement is radical enough to
democratize the party ideology to survive the spirit of
parliamentary democracy. This has secured its own rewards in
terms of political power. The political power provides the means to
achieve the social and political goal of the political party.
Language politics and leadership pattern actualized this trend
though the movement is shifted from separatism to coalition.
Abstract: Since 1991 Ethiopia has officially adopted multi-party democracy. At present, there are 89 registered political parties in the country. Though political parties play an important role in the functioning of a democratic government, how to fund them is an issue of major concern. Political parties and individual candidates running for political office have to raise funds for election campaigns, and to survive as political candidates. The aim of this paper is to examine party funding problems in Africa by taking the case of Ethiopia as an example. The paper also evaluates the motives of local and international donors in giving financial and material support to political parties in emerging democracies and assesses the merits and de-merits of their donations.
Abstract: This paper deals with the development and obstacles of
Korean women-s political participation in recent years. Since the year
1948 after the declaration of a modern state, Korea has tried to
establish the democracy but still in the field of women-s political
participation it meets a lot of problems such as women-s political
consciousness, male dominated political culture and institutional
constraints. After the introduction of quota system in the list of
political party, women-s political participation began to change its
configuration. More women candidates have willingly presented at
elections.
Abstract: This article considers the main features of party
construction in the course of political modernization of Kazakhstan.
Along with consideration of party construction author analyzed how
the transformation of the party system was fulfilled in Kazakhstan.
Besides the basic stages in the course of party construction were
explained by the author. The statistical data is cited.
Abstract: The major aim of this paper is to investigate the opposition politics in Africa. The paper also examines the status and the role, the contributions and the weaknesses of opposition1 political parties in Africa, particularly in transitional democracies that emerged in the 1990s. In Africa, many of the opposition parties appear or become active only during an election, and disappear when the election is over. It is found out that most of the opposition parties in Africa are established around the personalities of individuals, lack internal democracy, suffer from inter-party and intra-party conflicts, have severe shortage of finance, and lack strong base and experience. Their weaknesses also include bad organization and weak connection with the popular constituencies. The paper concludes that most of the weaknesses of the African opposition parties emanate from the incumbents- hostile policies, which are mostly aimed at fragmenting and weakening the opposition groups.